The rapidly growing number of people who find work via online labor platforms are not employees, nor do they necessarily fit traditional conceptualizations of independent contractors, freelancers, or the selfemployed. The ambiguous nature of their employment status and its implications for worker well-being have attracted substantial controversy, but to date most empirical research in this area has focused on the market efficiency of a single platform rather than on workers themselves and related human resource management issues. Research progress will require understanding how online labor platform work differs from other types of nonstandard employment arrangements, as well as critical differences across different labor platform firms in how work and workers are managed. This paper proposes a conceptual classification framework to facilitate research on the attitudes, experiences, and outcomes of workers who use these platforms. We explore how labor platform firms' operational choices shape how control is allocated across workers, clients, and the firm, and how they influence workers' autonomy, incentives, and degree of economic dependence on the firm. Implications for theory development, research, and managing worker-firm relations are discussed.
Although many studies have assessed the effects of networking and government assistance programs on small business success, little attention has been paid to the opportunities afforded by technology for owner-managers in the same industry to offer "soft" support, such as advice, to one another. Here we examine arts and crafts e-commerce, a context conducive to comparing distinct types of advice and support, and where a great deal of peer assistance is exchanged via formal and informal networks. Survey results from 343 artisan entrepreneurs show that motivational differences influence which types of advice and support they value and which they are most likely to provide to others.
Bergman and Jean (2016) include freelancers as one of the categories of workers who are understudied in the industrial and organizational (I-O) psychology literature. This neglect is particularly striking given the attention paid by the popular media and by politicians to the rise of the “gig economy,” comprising primarily short-term independent freelance workers (e.g., Cook, 2015; Kessler, 2014; Scheiber, 2014; Warner, 2015). This may be due in part to challenges involved in accessing and researching this population, as discussed by Bergman and Jean, but it may also arise from complexities in defining and conceptualizing freelance work, as well as from misunderstandings about the nature of the work now performed by many people who are considered freelancers. Major topics of interest to I-O psychologists such as organizational attraction, job satisfaction, and turnover may seem at first glance to lack relevance to the study of workers who are officially classified as self-employed. But there is substantial opportunity for I-O psychologists and other behaviorally oriented organizational researchers to contribute to our understanding of the growing number of people who earn all or some of their income by freelancing.
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