Background Herman Goldstein developed problem‐oriented policing (POP) to focus police on more proactively addressing chronic problems, rather than using traditional reactive efforts. POP has been utilized to target a wide range of problems and has become commonly used in agencies across the United States and the world, although implementation is often uneven. POP interventions commonly use the SARA (scanning, analysis, response, assessment) model to identify problems, carefully analyze the conditions contributing to the problem, develop a tailored response to target these underlying factors, and evaluate outcome effectiveness. Objectives To extend and update the findings of the original POP systematic review by synthesizing the findings of published and unpublished evaluations of POP through December 2018 to assess its overall impacts on crime and disorder. The review also examined impacts of POP on crime displacement, police financial costs, and noncrime outcomes. Search Methods Searches using POP keywords of the Global Policing Database at the University of Queensland were conducted to identify published and unpublished evaluations between 2006 and 2018. We supplemented these searches with forward searches, hand searches of leading journals and the Center for Problem‐Oriented Policing, and consultation with experts. Selection Criteria Eligible studies had to include a target area or group that received a POP intervention AND a control area/group that received standard police services. The control condition could be either experimental or quasi‐experimental. Units of analysis could be places or people. We defined POP as studies that generally followed the tenets of the SARA model. Data Collection and Analysis We identified 39 new (published between 2006 and 2018) studies that met our eligibility criteria as an evaluation of POP. Twenty‐four of these studies had sufficient data available to calculate an effect size. Along with the 10 studies from our initial systematic review of POP, these 34 studies are included in our meta‐analytic review of POP. Nine of these studies were randomized experiments and 25 were quasi‐experiments. We calculated effect sizes for each study using Cohen's D and relative incidence risk ratios and used random effects meta‐analyses to synthesize studies. Results Our meta‐analyses suggest statistically significant impacts of POP. Our relative incident risk ratio analysis of mean effects suggests a 33.8% reduction in crime/disorder in the POP treatment areas/groups relative to the controls. We find no evidence of significant crime displacement as a result of POP and some evidence for a greater likelihood of a diffusion of crime control benefits. Few studies assessed noncrime outcomes, but our narrative review suggests POP is cost‐effective, but has limited impacts on fear of crime, legitimacy, and collective efficacy. Authors’ Conclusions Our review provides strong and consistent evidence that POP is an effective strategy for reducing crime and disorder. There is a great deal of he...
Objectives To assess the effects of BWCs on prosecutorial and court-related charge outcomes across multiple crime types, including domestic violence charges, crimes committed against police officers, and drug/alcohol charges. Methods A cluster-randomized controlled trial with 22 spatiotemporal police units assigned to BWCs and 17 assigned to control conditions. Data from the State Attorney’s Office were used to track convictions, adjudication withheld dispositions, and declined prosecutions for both experimental and control charges. A series of multilevel logistic and negative binomial regression models were used to estimate the effect of BWC footage on charge outcomes. Outcomes BWCs led to a significantly higher proportion of crimes against police officers resulting in convictions or adjudication withheld outcomes, and a significantly higher proportion of domestic violence charges resulting in convictions alone, compared to control charges. However, after the clustering effect was taken into account, only the effect of BWCs on crimes against police officers remained statistically significant. Conclusion These early results suggest that BWCs have significant evidentiary value that varies by crime type. BWCs may be best suited to capture evidence of crimes committed against police officers and potentially in domestic violence offenses as well.
The US Department of Justice has extensively funded second responder programs. In England and Wales, funding of follow-up with victims is largely funded by local Police and Crime Commissioners. While these programs rapidly gained popularity in the United States and are gaining popularity in other countries as well, the evidence regarding their effectiveness is mixed. Although some research has indicated that second responder programs can prevent repeat victimization, several experimental studies have suggested that these programs may actually increase the odds of abuse recurring. The purpose of the review is to compile and synthesize published and unpublished empirical studies of the effects of second responder programs on repeat incidents of family violence, including those studies completed after the original review. The Global Police Database (http:// www.gpd.uq.edu.au/) provides a resource unavailable at the time of the initial review that will ensure that a comprehensive set of qualifying studies is identified. In the updated review, we will address the following questions: 1. What impact do second responder programs have on the number of subsequent calls to the police? 2. What impact do second responder programs have on abuse as measured on victim surveys? 3. Does the impact of second responder programs differ between experimental and quasiexperimental studies or studies that employ different methods of drawing samples? Building on the original review, we also aim to expand our examination of effect size heterogeneity given sufficient data to do so. For instance, given the proposition that there may be only a small window of opportunity to intervene into the lives of family violence victims after an incident, the amount of time that elapses between a family violence call and the second response may be an important moderator of programmatic effects. Additional factors that could impact the effect of the intervention include the length of the follow-up data collection period, the type of family violence complaint (e.g., intimate partner violence vs. elder abuse), and the sociodemographic characteristics of the victim and the offender (see generally Sherman, 2018). Ultimately, this review seeks not only to update the results of the prior review with additional research, but also to explore the mechanisms behind the observed effects in a way that provides utility for future policy creation.
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