The Scandinavian countries are often cited as examples of countries where cohabitation is largely indistinguishable from marriage. Using survey data from Norway and Sweden (N = 2,923) we analyzed differences between cohabitors and married individuals in relationship seriousness, relationship satisfaction, and dissolution plans. Our analyses reveal that cohabitors overall are less serious and less satisfied with their relationships and are more likely to consider ending their current relationships than are married respondents. The views of cohabitors who report that they intend to marry their current partners within 2 years, however, differ much less from those of married respondents than cohabitors with no marriage plans. This finding suggests that even in Scandinavia cohabitors are a heterogeneous group.

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Over the last decade there has been a dramatic increase in shared residence for children among parents living apart in Norway, and a related shift away from mother sole custody. Currently, three in ten children in separated families have shared residence, compared to less than 10 percent at the beginning of the century. This likely reflects several factors, including more symmetrical parenting practices in intact families in Norway, policy measures that promote a more equal division of practical care and economic provision among separated parents, and pressure from fathers groups. Shared residence is most widespread among those from high socioeconomic backgrounds. Parents living apart with shared residence generally report better cooperation and less conflict than sole custody parents; typically agree on shared residence without the use of mediation or the involvement of the court; and report gender-equal caring practices prior to separation. There are no indications in Norway that shared residence is a less stable residential arrangement than mother or father sole custody -but the data are somewhat limited. Key points for the Family Court Community: In the 2000s there has been a dramatic increase in shared residence for children among parents living apart in Norway, and a related shift away from mother sole custody. Shared residence after separation has typically been exercised by parents with higher socioeconomic resources who report low levels of inter-parent conflict. Recently, however, shared residence has become more widespread in most groups of Norwegian parents. In 2012, around one in four shared residence parents in Norway reported a moderate or high level of inter-parent conflict. Shared residence appears to be a relatively stable post-separation parenting arrangement in Norway, and 80% of mothers and 86% of fathers with shared residence reported no change in their parenting arrangement after separation. More equal parenting roles among separated parents is an important political ambition for the current Norwegian Government. FCR 55(4) -SHARED RESIDENCE AMONG PARENTS LIVING APART IN NORWAY2

This study examines women’s choice of surname upon marriage, using a nationally representative Norwegian sample (N= 1,276). Regression analyses revealed that age at marriage, own and mother’s education, urban residence, importance of paid labor, liberal family values, and egalitarian work‐family roles positively influence marital name keeping. Women’s increasing education and economic independence and changes in marriage and the social institution of the family suggest a rising likelihood of name keeping over time (1980 – 2002). According to our descriptive results, more women are keeping their surnames upon marriage. Controlling for the factors influencing marital name keeping, however, women marrying between 1990 and 2002 were less likely to be name keepers than women marrying in the 1980s.

Using data on all Norwegians born 1935–68, we analyze the associations between mortality and a combined indicator of fertility and marital or partnership status and history. The focus is on ages 40–73 and the years 1980–2008 (30 million person‐years of observations and 117,000 deaths). Among men in first marriages, the childless have 36 percent higher mortality than those with two or more children. The corresponding figure for women is 61 percent. The never‐married have higher mortality and are differentiated even more by parenthood status. Thus, childless never‐married men and women have mortality three times as high as those who are married and have two or more children. The apparent advantage associated with having at least two children is smallest among men who divorced before their oldest child's tenth birthday. Having step‐children has no association with mortality for those without natural children but is associated with higher mortality among the parous.