Previous research revealed that shifting patterns of hand preference in the first year of life are linked to infants' sensory-motor experiences as they learn to sit, creep, and walk. In this report, we examine whether new and different forms of locomotion and sensory-motor experiences similarly contribute to alter patterns of hand preference in early development. We examined the cases of three infants with unique developmental histories. Two infants adopted distinctive forms of locomotion in lieu of typical hands-and-knees crawling. One infant scooted using both hands and legs in a coupled fashion, while the other infant performed an asymmetrical, left-biased belly-crawl using only one arm to drag his body. The third infant suffered damage to his left-brain hemisphere shortly after birth and received intense physical therapy to his right arm as a result of it. We followed all three infants on a weekly basis and tracked changes in their reaching behavior, mode of locomotion, and postural achievements. The two infants with unique locomotor patterns displayed changes in hand preference that reciprocated the arm patterns that they used during locomotion. The infant who coupled his body for scooting began to reach bimanually, while the infant who adopted the left-biased belly-crawl developed a strong unimanual, right-hand, preference. The infant with left-hemisphere damage initially displayed a right-hand preference, then a temporary decline in preferred hand use as he began to cruise and walk, and ultimately resumed a right-hand preference in the 2nd year of life. This data is consistent with previous work showing that the development of hand preference in the 1st year of life is highly malleable and sensitive to a variety of new sensory-motor experiences.
For decades, the emergence and progression of infant reaching was assumed to be largely under the control of vision. More recently, however, the guiding role of vision in the emergence of reaching has been downplayed. Studies found that young infants can reach in the dark without seeing their hand and that corrections in infants' initial hand trajectories are not the result of visual guidance of the hand, but rather the product of poor movement speed calibration to the goal. As a result, it has been proposed that learning to reach is an embodied process requiring infants to explore proprioceptively different movement solutions, before they can accurately map their actions onto the intended goal. Such an account, however, could still assume a preponderant (or prospective) role of vision, where the movement is being monitored with the scope of approximating a future goal-location defined visually. At reach onset, it is unknown if infants map their action onto their vision, vision onto their action, or both. To examine how infants learn to map the feel of their hand with the sight of the object, we tracked the object-directed looking behavior (via eye-tracking) of three infants followed weekly over an 11-week period throughout the transition to reaching. We also examined where they contacted the object. We find that with some objects, infants do not learn to align their reach to where they look, but rather learn to align their look to where they reach. We propose that the emergence of reaching is the product of a deeply embodied process, in which infants first learn how to direct their movement in space using proprioceptive and haptic feedback from self-produced movement contingencies with the environment. As they do so, they learn to map visual attention onto these bodily centered experiences, not the reverse. We suggest that this early visuo-motor mapping is critical for the formation of visually-elicited, prospective movement control.
Prior research on infant reaching has shown that providing infants with repeated opportunities to reach for objects aids the emergence and progression of reaching behavior. This study investigated the effect of movement consequences on the process of learning to reach in pre-reaching infants. Thirty-five infants aged 2.9 months at the onset of the study were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 groups. Two groups received a 14-day intervention to distinct reaching tasks: (1) in a contingent group, a toy target moved and sounded upon contact only, and (2) in a continuous group, the toy moved and sounded continuously, independent of hand-toy contact. A third control group did not receive any intervention; this group’s performance was assessed only on 2 days at a 15-day interval. Results revealed that infants in the contingent group made the most progress over time compared to the two other groups. Infants in this group made significantly more overall contacts with the sounding/moving toy, and they increased their rate of visually attended target contacts relative to non-visually attended target contacts compared to the continuous and control groups. Infants in the continuous group did not differ from the control group on the number of hand-toy contacts nor did they show a change in visually attended target versus non-visually attended target contacts ratio over time. However, they did show an increase in movement speed, presumably in an attempt to attain the moving toy. These findings highlight the importance of contingent movement consequences as a critical reinforcer for the selection of action and motor learning in early development. Through repeated opportunities to explore movement consequences, infants discover and select movements that are most successful to the task-at-hand. This study further demonstrates that distinct sensory-motor experiences can have a significant impact on developmental trajectories and can influence the skills young infants will discover through their interactions with their surroundings.
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