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Increasing cancer incidence together with improved survival rates are contributing to the growing number of cancer survivors. Survivors may encounter a range of potential effects as a result of the cancer itself or cancer treatments. Traditionally, the major focus of follow-up care has been on detection of cancer recurrence; however, the efficacy of such strategies is questionable. Traditional follow-up frequently fails to identify or adequately address many survivors' concerns. Aftercare needs to be planned to enable better outcomes for survivors, while using scarce health-care resources efficiently. This review focuses on provision of survivorship care, rather than on research. England's National Cancer Survivorship Initiative has developed principles for improved care of those living with and beyond cancer. These include risk-stratified pathways of care, the use of treatment summaries and care plans, information and education to enable choice and the confidence to self manage, rapid re-access to specialist care, remote monitoring and well-coordinated care. Many of these principles are relevant internationally, though preferred models of care will depend on local circumstances.

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In the context of concerns about childhood obesity, mothers are placed at the forefront of responsibility for shaping the eating behaviour and consequently the health of their young children. This is evident in a multitude of diverse sites such as government reports, health promotion materials, reality TV shows and the advice of childcare nurses and preschools. These sites produce a range of resources available to mothers to draw on to constitute themselves as mothers in terms of caring for their children's health. Drawing on a qualitative study of mothers recruited through three Australian preschool centres, this article examines how the working‐class and middle‐class mothers of preschool‐aged children engage with knowledge about motherhood, children and health and how those engagements impact on their mothering, their foodwork and their children. We argue that, unlike the working‐class mothers pathologised in some literature on obesity, these working‐class mothers demonstrated a no‐nonsense (but still responsibilised) approach to feeding their children. The middle‐class mothers, on the other hand, were more likely to engage in practices of self‐surveillance and to demonstrate considerable anxieties about the appropriateness of their practices for their children's current and future health.