This paper presents a survey of the Polish stress system and explores the theoretical consequences of' this system for a number of current issues in phonological theory: the notion 'extrametricality'; grids versus trees, and principles of eurhythmicity. It is argued that the metrical grid is superior to the metrical tree for the description of' stress patterns in Polish words and phrases. This analysis of Polish stress has also consequences for the typology of stress systems. Furthermore, the analysis of stress in Polish compounds substantiates the claim of current prosodie theory that phonological structure need not be isomorphic to morphological structure.
In this paper it is argued that the phonological behavior of clitics should not be accounted f or by assuming a special prosodie category "Clitic Group ". Clitics are integrated into the preceding or the following prosodie word. As far as Dutch is concerned, it appears that proclitics behave like prefixes, and are Chomskyadjoined to the following prosodie word, whereas enclitics behave like suffixes, and form part of the last foot of the preceding prosodie word. In most cases, there is a general preference for leftward cliticization
IntroductionClitics form a classic case of non-isomorphy between the syntactic structure and the prosodie structure of sentences. For instance, the relevant aspects of the syntactic structure and the prosodie structure of the simple Dutch sentence Jan kocht het boek 'John bought the book' can be represented as follows:The prosodie structure is non-isomorphic to the syntactic structure: The weak form of the determiner het /3t/ depends syntactically on the following noun, but1. This is the revised version of a paper given at the Prosodie Phonology workshop of the 1994 GLOW meeting in Vienna. I would like to thank the organi/ers of the workshop. Marina Nespor and Sharon Peperkamp, and Mirjam Ernestus for their comments. Thanks ure also due to the anonymous referee for the useful suggestions made.
This study deals with syllable structure in Polish. The central theme is the question of when and how syllabification rules apply in the lexical phonology of Polish. In § i we lay the ground for our subsequent discussion by giving the basic syllable patterns of Polish. We also propose here a first version of the syllabification algorithm for Polish. In §2 we show that syllabification applies cyclically, because certain cyciic phonological rules make crucial use of information about the prosodic structure of their potential inputs. § 3 then shows that the syllabification algorithm has to apply both before and after the application of cyclic phonological rules on one cycle, and that syllabification is therefore a continuous process. In § we argue that the syllabification algorithm proposed in § i must be modified to enable us to predict whether a high [-consonantal] segment will surface as a vowel or as a glide. Since the distinction between vowels and glides is crucial for the application of certain cyclic phonological rules of Polish, this again shows that syllabification has to apply cyclically. § defends the hypothesis that resyllabification is restricted to Coda Erasure (and the subsequent syllabification of the desyllabified consonants). Again, the (un)predictability of the vowel/glide distinction plays a crucial role here. We summarise our conclusions in §6
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