Os estudos sobre a organização familiar mostram, de forma consistente, que as práticas familiares tradicionais não mudaram significativamente apesar do ingresso em massa das mulheres no mundo do trabalho: as mulheres, com efeito, continuam a contribuir duas a três vezes mais do que os homens para as tarefas domésticas (para uma revisão da literatura, ver Coltrane, 2000;Shelton & John, 1996;Thompson & Walker, 1989).Existem, como é óbvio, variações interindividuais na divisão das tarefas, que provêm, nomeadamente, da idade, da raça, da educação ou da estrutura familiar. Por exemplo, foi evidenciada uma maior discrepância no contributo dos cônjuges quando as mulheres não têm emprego do que quando têm, ou quando os parceiros são casados do que quando não o são (Smock & Noonan, 2005).Alguns autores consideram que as mulheres consagram menos tempo às actividades domés-ticas na actualidade do que no passado, realçando que isto não se deve a uma maior participação dos maridos, mas sim a uma redução, pelas próprias mulheres, do tempo que dedicam a estas actividades (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, & Robinson, 2000). Esta diminuição do tempo de trabalho doméstico por parte das mulheres é, aliás, questionada por outros autores que defendem que o tempo que era anteriormente despendido em tarefas como fazer conservas ou lavar a roupa à mão é utilizado, hoje em dia, noutras tarefas ou na resposta a exigências maiores (lavar a roupa mais frequentemente, passar mais a ferro, confeccionar refeições mais sofisticadas, etc.) (Shelton & John, 1996).As mulheres não assumem apenas uma maior parte do trabalho doméstico, mas executam quase inteiramente as tarefas "tipicamente femininas", como a preparação das refeições ou o cuidado da roupa, tarefas que consomem mais tempo e precisam de ser realizadas com uma maior regularidade do que as tarefas "tipicamente masculinas", como as reparações de objectos ou a manutenção do carro. As mulheres, tipicamente, dedicam também mais tempo do que os homens ao "trabalho emocional", estando mais dispostas a exprimir preocupação ou a mostrar afecto aos outros, e encarregam-se geralmente do "trabalho relacional", necessário para manter as relações na rede familiar (Smock & Noonan, 2005).
The two studies presented here analyse the effect of conditions of social comparison on the organisation of social representations of intelligence. In order to induce the comparisons, participants were asked successively to describe either the intelligence of humans and that of animals (Study 1), or the intelligence of men and that of women (Study 2). Results indicate that a comparison between species leads to maximising the differences between the two forms of intelligence, by increasing the relevance of the categories' most typical dimensions in the descriptions of their respective forms of intelligence. The induction of a comparison between male intelligence and female intelligence produces effects that differ according to participants' own sex. Whereas male participants are led to accentuate the differences between the two forms of intelligence, female participants seem to look for similarity rather than for difference. The differentiations produced suggest, moreover, that the structure of the representations resulting from a comparison between two categories of unequal status tends to legitimate their respective positions in the social structure.
The study describes the representations of 453 Portuguese students about the present financial and economic crisis, examining the impact of the family financial situation on these representations, and the relationship between these representations and different factors likely to influence them. An initial word association task produced 2339 responses, from which 86.75% were classified into six classes by a downward hierarchical classification. Four classes (58.26% of the corpus) confirmed that the austerity measures implemented in Portugal affected the respondents with different degrees of severity: respondents described the consequences of the crisis in terms of misery, difficulties, or change, depending on their family’s income. More generally, the discourses (41.73% of the corpus) pointed out the factors that were viewed as responsible for the crisis as well as the geopolitical situation of Portugal. The answers given to opinion scales revealed a consistent pattern of results: respondents with a lower family income experienced less positive emotions toward the crisis (η2 = .03, p = .007), more negative emotions, stronger feelings of vulnerability and relative deprivation that resulted from comparison with others (all η2 ≥ .05, p < .001). However, the unequal consequences of the crisis were reflected neither in differences in the respondents’ expectations about their future situation, which they foresaw without great changes, nor in their lack of willingness to participate in protest actions against the austerity measures.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
hi@scite.ai
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.