Under the auspices of the ‘war against terrorism’, New Labour’s period of political governance in the UK was characterized by an activist, pre-emptive approach to (inter)national security. This approach was domestically embedded in specific counter-terrorism measures such as extensions to detention without charge, the expansion of stop and search measures and the deployment of control orders. Situated in this context, this article analyses the reflections of a group of young British Pakistani Muslims living in the north-west of England. First, we detail the process of risk subjectification through which institutional labelling narrowly defines Muslims as threatening and dangerous. Second, we consider the consolidation of practices of self-surveillance through which young Muslims seek to protect themselves and deflect stigmatization. In conclusion, we suggest that counter-terrorism policies have succeeded in reproducing a state of partial securities in and through which certain groups are protected and ‘others’ exposed to scrutiny and hostility.
The ability to coordinate our behaviors with those of others is crucial for our success as individuals and groups. There are many forms of interpersonal coordination where a group of individuals need to coordinate their attention, actions, minds, or speech to achieve a mutual goal. In the present paper, we review previous hyperscanning research on the neural mechanisms underlying a variety of interpersonal coordination. Then we highlight how social and cultural factors modulate the interbrain mechanisms of interpersonal coordination. Finally, we conclude with a discussion of exciting future directions that await investigation from a cultural neuroscience perspective.
The economic fallout of the coronavirus pandemic could be minimised by social protection instruments such as unemployment insurance and distress relief grants. This paper assesses the ability of refugees and asylum seekers to access these instruments in South Africa. In general, the bureaucratic system of asylum documentation acts as a barrier to access social protection, as exemplified by the administration of the Unemployment Insurance Fund and the Social Relief of Distress grants during the pandemic. While this problem has traditionally been articulated in terms of equality and socio-economic rights, this paper proposes that asylum administration should also be prioritised as a disaster preparedness and management infrastructure, as well as an essential service. This is to ensure refugees and asylum seekers need for protection is not neglected in a disaster.
Family unity is not considered a right within international refugee instruments and as a result the laws and policies of most states are silent in this regard. Family unity is however a legal concept which is addressed extensively in various other international law instruments. This paper contends that refugee law as a dynamic body of law is informed by these international law instruments and it should not be viewed as an isolated body of law and be denied the benefits there from. The right of family unity is often distinguished from the right to family reunification, which extends protection more specifically to families that have been separated that wish to reunite. Even though few human rights instruments specifically designate a right offamily reunification it will be argued that to deny family reunification is to effectively violate the right to family unity. This paper furthermore examines the right to family reunification as it applies to refugees, looking specifically at the current status of South African and international law. It will be emphasised that because refugee law is informed by international human rights law, it can support, reinforce or supplement refugee law.
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