Religious enclaves have a long history of relying on internal organizations to care for the vulnerable. Yet very occasionally they avail themselves of the services of those who are not community members. Police agencies working in these enclaves also often rely on community organizations to disseminate information, assist in maintaining public order, and increase police legitimacy. Using the framework of community-society and social control, this study identifies a shift of religious organizations toward greater integration into the public sphere. Under certain social conditions, religious organizations serve as agents of socialization for the enclave community and allow members of the community to participate in public actions, resulting inevitably in higher integration. This study suggests that the boundaries between community and society are flexible and may adjust under certain circumstances, even as religious constraints may pose obstacles for advancing community cooperation with such state organizations as the police.
The Bais Yaakov school network represents an unusual phenomenon: a school system with strong transnational tendencies. Founded in 1917 in Poland, it developed rapidly there in the interwar period; in the 1930s, it also struck roots first in Mandate Palestine and then in North America. The Bais Yaakov network of schools, which flourishes today, tells a story of sustainability over time and space. This paper presents historical analysis and social network analysis (SNA) of the early years of the Bais Yaakov network, analyzing Hebrew press newspaper articles published between 1930 and 1948 to demonstrate how a number of key leaders in the schools' administration played a crucial role in developing the network. This network involved not only the schools themselves, but also religious advocacy and government relations. Key actors leveraged their brokering power with these larger organizations in order to expand the network in Poland and the Land of Israel. The organizational affiliations of key actors thus shed light on the place of Bais Yaakov within a larger network of community organizations: in both locations, these leaders usually held a double role as educators as well as important community figures within the broader Orthodox Jewish context. These findings suggest that the sustainability of transnational networks depends on strong leaders who are involved within the network to promote its specific global identity but who are also active and powerful in the local peripheries, amplifying network visibility within local and broader communities and maintaining beneficial connections with local governmental authorities.
This article on policing and crime in Israel reflects the complex heterogeneous nature of the state of Israel as well as its police. The two largest minority communities in Israel are the Israeli Arabs (c. 21 percent) and the ultra-Orthodox Jews (c. 10 percent). Another group, although much smaller in size (c. 2 percent), is the Ethiopians. Due to Israel’s geopolitical and national history, the Arabs are perceived as a security threat by the public as well as by the police. Consequently, much of the research about minority policing focuses on policing the Arab society. Ethiopians are subject to similar discriminatory policing as the Arabs, but in their case the police are making greater efforts to rectify the situation. The ultra-Orthodox community has been responsible for most of the mass clashes with the state since its early days, despite or maybe due to the persistent ideological tension against the existence of the state that is accompanied with a growing integration into Israeli society. Israeli policing, which has received very little scholarly attention to date, has some similarities to and differences from police forces elsewhere. Similarities are seen in the steadily increasing number of women in police force (28 percent) as well as the number of women officers in senior positions. In addition, as in other police forces, there is growing success in recruitment of police officers from minority groups, especially Arabs, ultra-Orthodox, and Ethiopians. Yet, unlike other countries, the number of volunteer and military police officers in the Israeli police is alarmingly high, as such police officers tend to be older and tend to function according to military rather than civilian norms. Military service in the Israeli Defense Forces inevitably affects the way officers perceive Arab citizens, and it contributes to stress, burnout, and trauma. Moreover, the police are forbidden from striking, which affects employment conditions, the quality of the workforce, and morale.
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