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Gentrification today spreads and deepens in US cities. In this paper we examine the progentrification rhetoric and tactics confronted by the second largest Puerto Rican community in the United States, Chicago's Humboldt Park. Three points are documented in this current case. First, real-estate capital and the media now target and script Puerto Rican youth bodies to communicate a new gentrification-sanitizing theme: a disgust for ‘ghetto’ morals and social order. Second, this coding of bodies involves a key process, taking readers to imaginary spaces in discourse. Third, possibilities to thwart gentrification exist but organizing strategies are ineffective in that they fail to confront the politics of youth bodying. The results shed light on one of the ascendant strategies of capital to restructure Spanish-speaking neighborhoods and a subset of them, Puerto Rican communities.

This exploratory article presents a typology of British ‘hitmen’ as identified within newspaper reports about contract killing. Demographic and criminological data related to these hitmen and their victims are analysed and, on the basis of this analysis, a typology of British hitmen is developed. Our typology suggests that British hitmen are: ‘Novices’; ‘Dilettantes’; ‘Journeymen’; or ‘Masters’. It is hoped that this typology will be of use to law enforcement.

A 'creative class' mania now pervades many cities and communities across the global west and beyond. Even in Shanghai, the new kid on the global city block, old warehouses on a recreated riverfront advertise 'creativity' in plain view of 'old economy' recycling centres and traditional housing quarters. These cities purportedly face a new grim and stark reality-dark and deepening global timeswhich hovers to batter and sear their economic fortunes. As urban prognosticator Felex Rohatyn (in Scrimger and Everett 1999) noted relatively early on at a US Conference of Mayors Meeting, 'we can not ignore [how] globalization [and new business people] has obliterated frontiers. Public officials who ignore this do so at their constituent's peril.' The proposed antidote is neat and tidy: more entrepreneurialism, economic tautness, and creative-civic beings and spaces. This new pragmatism posits creative subjects and spaces as needing cultivation, attraction, and pampering. The unequivocal call: find these creative people and manufacture these spaces or die. This essay does not interrogate the truthstatus of that global fear. Instead, we argue that the term 'creative class' in this urbangrowth rhetoric has been grossly mis-applied and is a class-based, mystificatory concept. We suggest, first, that the real creative class in these cities is the poor. We chronicle their immense contribution to the contemporary urban economy, and their deft resourcefulness and ingenuity in a remarkably creative everyday round. This point reworks creative-class guru Richard Florida's own assumption that the key features of a creative population is their central contribution to city economic solvency and the use of daily ingenuity. We suggest, second, that applying this revised conception of the creative class to spur city growth and development would be irrational. Cultivating this true creative class and replenishing their creativity (a supposed necessity) would require that public policy keep the poor mired in poverty and spatially managed and controlled. Finally, we suggest that this true creative class (the poor) is

Direct calorimetric measurements of a solid state passive switchable radiator for spacecraft thermal control have been performed in a simulated space environment. Dynamic emissivity control is provided by the thermochromic phase change in a multilayer VO 2 thin film based resonant absorber. The measured radiated power difference between 300 K and 373 K was 480 W/m 2 corresponding to a 7× difference in radiative cooling power. We present theoretical and experimental radiator values for both normal and hemispherical as well the optical properties of VO 2 as determined via infrared spectroscopic ellipsometry.

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IntroductionGentrification in US cities continues to be unpredictable and often contentious (Munoz, 1998;Wilson, 1996).`Protect community' undertakings are alive and well despite the engines of accumulation being acutely refined and deepened antipoor rhetoric and sentiment (the revanchist era) [see Munoz (1998) on New York and Mueller (1999) on St. Louis]. Successful antigentrification movements typically entail residents willing (or threatening) to obstruct development (for example, impeding construction, discouraging gentrifier in-movement, persuading retailers to resist upscaling') (Diskin and Dutton, 2002;Mele, 2000;Smith, 1996). Such actions, we now know, can make developers turn to other neighborhoods or other forms of investment. But how residents in such threatened neighborhoods ö often politically disorganized, self-doubting, and inexperienced in activismö become so transformed and active is unclear.This lack of knowledge stems from a superficial understanding of the discourses that transform and activate them. The most basic aspects of such discourses are still unexplored; for example, how such rhetorical projects are constructed, how central themes are made luminous and persuasive, how offered understandings are fitted into current bases of knowledge, and how such themes challenge and thwart gentrification. Such analysis in any setting is, we realize, potentially daunting. To Annette Hastings (1999) and Loretta Lees (2000), these discourses of opposition are complex human accomplishments that need to`sell' new ways of seeing while placing this in the terrain of normative and acceptable. Their making, to Hastings, requires diverse resources that meld in complicated and contingent ways ö use of space and history, use of language, and seizing and building on common understandings.

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