BACKGROUND Many beliefs about obesity persist in the absence of supporting scientific evidence (presumptions); some persist despite contradicting evidence (myths). The promulgation of unsupported beliefs may yield poorly informed policy decisions, inaccurate clinical and public health recommendations, and an unproductive allocation of research resources and may divert attention away from useful, evidence-based information. METHODS Using Internet searches of popular media and scientific literature, we identified, reviewed, and classified obesity-related myths and presumptions. We also examined facts that are well supported by evidence, with an emphasis on those that have practical implications for public health, policy, or clinical recommendations. RESULTS We identified seven obesity-related myths concerning the effects of small sustained increases in energy intake or expenditure, establishment of realistic goals for weight loss, rapid weight loss, weight-loss readiness, physical-education classes, breast-feeding, and energy expended during sexual activity. We also identified six presumptions about the purported effects of regularly eating breakfast, early childhood experiences, eating fruits and vegetables, weight cycling, snacking, and the built (i.e., human-made) environment. Finally, we identified nine evidence-supported facts that are relevant for the formulation of sound public health, policy, or clinical recommendations. CONCLUSIONS False and scientifically unsupported beliefs about obesity are pervasive in both scientific literature and the popular press. (Funded by the National Institutes of Health.)

Policymakers at federal and local levels should encourage more rigorous scientific research to determine whether altered built environments will result in increased PA and decreased obesity rates.

SEN, BISAKHA. Frequency of family dinner and adolescent body weight status: evidence from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1997. Obesity. 200614: 2266 -2276. Objective: To explore associations between overweight status and the frequency of family dinners (FFD) for adolescents and how those associations differ across race and ethnicity. Research Methods and Procedures:A sample of 5014 respondents between 12 and 15 years of age from the 1997 wave of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97) was used. BMI was calculated using self-reported height and weight; 13.3% of respondents qualified as overweight, 16.4% qualified as at-risk-of-overweight, and 1.9% qualified as underweight. The remainder were normal weight. FFD was defined as the number of times respondents had dinner with their families in a typical week in the past year. Multinomial logistic regression models were estimated separately for non-Hispanic whites vs. blacks and Hispanics for odds of belonging to the other weight categories compared with normal weight. A supplementary longitudinal analysis estimated the odds of change in overweight status between 1997 and 2000. Results: In 1997, the FFD distribution was as follows: 0, 8.3%; 1 or 2, 7.3%; 3 or 4, 13.4%; 5 or 6, 28.1%; 7, 42%. For whites, higher FFD was associated with reduced odds of being overweight in 1997, reduced odds of becoming overweight, and increased odds of ceasing to be overweight by 2000. No such associations were found for blacks and Hispanics.Discussion: Reasons for racial and ethnic differences in the relationship between FFD and overweight may include differences in the types and portions of food consumed at family meals. More research is needed to verify this.

Objective To examine the extent to which the gendered division of labor persists within households in the US in regard to meal planning/preparation and food shopping activities. Design Secondary analysis of cross-sectional data. Setting 2007-2008 U.S. National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Subjects Subsample of 3,195 adults at least 20 years old who had a spouse or partner. Results Analyses revealed that the majority of women and men reported that they shared in both meal planning/preparing and food shopping activities (meal planning/preparation: women, 54 % and men, 56 % and food shopping: women, 60 % and men, 57 %). Results from multinomial logistic regression analyses indicated that, compared to men, women are more likely to take primary responsibility than to share this responsibility and are less likely to report having no responsibility for these tasks. Gender differences were observed for age/cohort, education, and household size. Conclusions This study may have implications for public health nutritional initiatives and the well-being of families in the US.

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