BackgroundSchool dropout has been linked to early pregnancy and marriage but less is known about the effect of school performance. We aimed to assess whether school performance influenced age at sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage, and from what age school drop-out and performance were associated with these later life events.MethodsData from 2007–2016 from a demographic surveillance site in northern Malawi with annual updating of schooling status and grades, and linked sexual behaviour surveys, were analysed to assess the associations of age-specific school performance (measured as age-for-grade) and status (in or out of school) on subsequent age at sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage. Landmark analysis with Cox regression was used to estimate hazard ratios of sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage by schooling at selected (landmark) ages, controlling for socio-economic factors.ResultsInformation on at least one outcome was available for >16,000 children seen at ages 10–18. Sexual debut was available on a subset aged ≥15 by 2011. For girls, being out of school was strongly associated with earlier sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage. For example, using schooling status at age 14, compared to girls in primary, those who had dropped out had adjusted hazard ratios of subsequent sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage of 5.39 (95% CI 3.27–8.86), 2.39 (1.82–3.12), and 2.76 (2.08–3.67) respectively. For boys, the equivalent association with sexual debut was weak, 1.92 (0.81–4.55), but that with marriage was strong, 3.74 (2.28–6.11), although boys married later. Being overage-for-grade was not associated with sexual debut for girls or boys. For girls, being overage-for-grade from age 10 was associated with earlier pregnancy and marriage (e.g. adjusted hazard ratio 2.84 (1.32–6.17) for pregnancy and 3.19 (1.47–6.94) for marriage, for those ≥3 years overage compared to those on track at age 10). For boys, overage-for-grade was associated with earlier marriage from age 12, with stronger associations at older ages (e.g. adjusted hazard ratio 2.41 (1.56–3.70) for those ≥3 years overage compared to those on track at age 14). For girls ≥3 years overage at age 14, 39% were pregnant before they were 18, compared to 18% of those who were on track. The main limitation was the use of reported ages of sexual debut, pregnancy and marriage.ConclusionsSchool progression at ages as young as 10 can predict teenage pregnancy and marriage, even after adjusting for socio-economic factors. Early education interventions may reduce teenage pregnancy and marriage as well as improving learning.

IntroductionStunting or linear growth retardation in childhood is associated with delayed cognitive development due to related causes (malnutrition, illness, poor stimulation), which leads to poor school outcomes at later ages, although evidence of the association between the timing and persistence of stunting and school outcomes within the sub-Saharan African context is limited.MethodsAnthropometric data around birth (0–4 months), early (11–16 months) and late childhood (ages 4–8 years) along with school outcomes up until the age of 11 were analysed for a cohort of 1,044 respondents, born between 2002–2004 in Karonga district, northern Malawi. The schooling outcomes were age at school enrolment, grade repetition in Standard 1 and age-for-grade by age 11. Height-for-Age Z-scores (HAZ) and growth trajectories were examined as predictors, based on stunting (<-2SD HAZ) and on trajectories between early and late childhood (never stunted, improvers, decliners or persistently stunted). Multinomial and logistic regression were used to estimate the association between stunting/trajectories and schooling, adjusted for socioeconomic confounders.ResultsThe effects of stunting on schooling were evident in early childhood but were more pronounced in late childhood. Children who were stunted in early childhood (9.3%) were less likely to be underage at enrolment, more likely to repeat Standard 1 and were 2–3 times more likely to be overage for their grade by the age of 11, compared to their non-stunted peers. Those persistently stunted between early and late childhood (7.3%) faced the worst consequences on schooling, being three times as likely to enrol late and 3–5 times more likely to be overage for their grade by the age of 11, compared to those never stunted. Compared to improvers, those persistently stunted were three times as likely to be overage by two or more years by the age of 11, with no effect on enrolment or repetition.ConclusionOur findings confirm the importance of early childhood stunting on schooling outcomes and suggest some mitigation by improvements in growth by the age of starting school. The nutritional and learning needs of those persistently stunted may need to be prioritised in future interventions.

Objective:The objective of this study was to compare the psychiatric morbidity between the displaced and non-displaced populations of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands during the first three months following the 2004 earthquake and tsunami.Methods:The study was conducted at the 74 relief camps in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Port Blair had 12 camps, which provided shelter to 4,684 displaced survivors. There were 62 camps on Car-Nicobar Island, which provided shelter to approximately 8,100 survivors who continued to stay in their habitat (non-displaced population). The study sample included all of the survivors who sought mental health assistance inside the camp. A psychiatrist diagnosed the patients using the ICD-10 criteria.Results:Psychiatric morbidity was 5.2% in the displaced population and 2.8% in the non-displaced population. The overall psychiatric morbidity was 3.7%. The displaced survivors had significantly higher psychiatric morbidity than did the non-displaced population.The disorders included panic disorder, anxiety disorders not otherwise specified, and somatic complaints. The existence of an adjustment disorder was significantly higher in the non-displaced survivors. Depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were distributed equally in both groups.Conclusions:Psychiatric morbidity was found to be highest in the displaced population. However, the incidence of depression and PTSD were distributed equally in both groups. Involvement of community leaders and survivors in shared decision-making processes and culturally acceptable interventions improved the community participation. Cohesive community, family systems, social support, altruistic behavior of the community leaders, and religious faith and spirituality were factors that helped survivors cope during the early phase of the disaster.

Timely progression through school is an important measure for school performance, completion and the onset of other life transitions for adolescents. This study examines the risk factors for grade repetition and establishes the extent to which age-for-grade heterogeneity contributes to subsequent grade repetition at early and later stages of school. Using data from a demographic surveillance site in Karonga district, northern Malawi, a cohort of 8174 respondents (ages 5–24 years) in primary school was followed in 2010 and subsequent grade repetition observed in 2011. Grade repetition was more common among those at early (grades 1–3) and later (grades 7–8) stages of school, with little variation by sex. Being under-age or over-age in school has different implications on schooling outcomes, depending on the stage of schooling. After adjusting for other risk factors, boys and girls who were under-age at early stages were at least twice as likely to repeat a grade as those at the official age-for-grade (girls: adjusted OR 2.06 p < 0.01; boys: adjusted OR 2.37 p < 0.01); while those over-age at early stages were about 30% less likely to repeat (girls: adjusted OR 0.65 p < 0.01; boys: adjusted OR 0.72 p < 0.01). Being under/over-age at later grades (4–8) was not associated with subsequent repetition but being over-age was associated with dropout. Other risk factors identified that were associated with repetition included both family-level factors (living away from their mother, having young children in the household, lower paternal education) and school-level factors (higher student-teacher ratio, proportion of female teachers and schools without access to water). Reducing direct and indirect costs of schooling for households; and improving school quality and resources at early stages of school may enable timely progression at early stages for greater retention at later stages.

Age at sexual debut is known to have implications for future sexual behaviours and health outcomes, including HIV infection, early pregnancy and maternal mortality, but may also influence educational outcomes. Longitudinal data on schooling and sexual behaviour from a demographic surveillance site in Karonga district, northern Malawi, were analysed for 3153 respondents between the ages of 12 and 25 years to examine the association between sexual debut and primary school dropout, and the role of prior school performance. Time to dropout was modelled using the Fine and Gray survival model to account for the competing event of primary school completion. To deal with the time-varying nature of age at sexual debut and school performance, models were fitted using landmark analyses. Sexual debut was found to be associated with a five-fold increase in rate of subsequent dropout for girls and a two-fold increase in dropout rate for boys (adjusted hazard ratio [aHR] of 5.27, CI 4.22–6.57, and 2.19, CI 1.77–2.7, respectively). For girls who were sexually active by age 16, only 16% ultimately completed primary schooling, compared with 70% aged 18 or older at sexual debut. Prior to sexual debut, girls had primary completion levels similar to those of boys. The association between sexual debut and school dropout could not be explained by prior poor school performance: the effect of sexual debut on dropout was as strong among those who were not behind in school as among those who were overage for their school grade. Girls who were sexually active were more likely to repeat a grade, with no effect being seen for boys. Pathways to dropout are complex and may differ for boys and girls. Interventions are needed to improve school progression so children complete primary school before sexual debut, and to improve sex education and contraception provision.