Use of herbal dietary supplements by the public is common and has been happening for centuries. In the United States, the Food and Drug Administration has a limited scope of regulation over marketed herbal dietary supplements, which may contain toxic botanical compounds that pose a public health risk. While the Food and Drug Administration has made efforts to prohibit the sale of unsafe herbal dietary supplements, numerous reports have proliferated of adverse events due to these supplements. This literature review investigates bioactive plant compounds commonly used in herbal dietary supplements and their relative toxicities. Using primarily the National Library of Medicine journal database and SciFinder for current reports, 47 toxic compounds in 55 species from 46 plant families were found to demonstrate harmful effects due to hepatic, cardiovascular, central nervous system, and digestive system toxicity. This review further contributes a novel and comprehensive view of toxicity across the botanical dietary market, and investigates the toxicity of the top ten botanical dietary supplements purchased in the United States of America to gauge the exposure risk of toxicity to the public. The criteria of measuring toxicity in this review (plant compound, family, quantity, and toxicity effects) across the entire market in the United States, with special attention to those supplements whose exposure to the consumer is maximal, provides a unique contribution to the investigation of botanical supplements.
Purpose For many Indigenous nations globally, ethics is a conversation. The purpose of this paper is to share and mobilize knowledge to build relationships and capacities regarding the ethics review and approval of research with Indigenous peoples throughout Atlantic Canada. The authors share key principles that emerged for shifting practices that recognize Indigenous rights holders through ethical research review practice. Design/methodology/approach The NunatuKavut Inuit hosted and led a two-day gathering on March 2019 in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Newfoundland and Labrador, to promote a regional dialogue on Indigenous Research Governance. It brought together Indigenous Nations within the Atlantic Region and invited guests from institutional ethics review boards and researchers in the region to address the principles-to-policy-to-practice gap as it relates to the research ethics review process. Called “Naalak”, an Inuktitut word that means “to listen and to pay close attention”, the gathering created a dynamic moment of respect and understanding of how to work better together and support one another in research with Indigenous peoples on Indigenous lands. Findings Through this process of dialogue and reflection, emergent principles and practices for “good” research ethics were collectively identified. Open dialogue between institutional ethics boards and Indigenous research review committees acknowledged past and current research practices from Indigenous peoples’ perspectives; supported and encouraged community-led research; articulated and exemplified Indigenous ownership and control of data; promoted and practiced ethical and responsible research with Indigenous peoples; and supported and emphasized rights based approaches within the current research regulatory system. Key principles emerged for shifting paradigms to honour Indigenous rights holders through ethical research practice, including: recognizing Indigenous peoples as rights holders with sovereignty over research; accepting collective responsibility for research in a “good” way; enlarging the sphere of ethical consideration to include the land; acknowledging that “The stories are ours” through Indigenous-led (or co-led) research; articulating relationships between Indigenous and Research Ethics Board (REB) approvals; addressing justice and proportionate review of Indigenous research; and, means of identifying the Indigenous governing authority for approving research. Research limitations/implications Future steps (including further research) include pursuing collective responsibilities towards empowering Indigenous communities to build their own consensus around research with/in their people and their lands. This entails pursuing further understanding of how to move forward in recognition and respect for Indigenous peoples as rights holders, and disrupting mainstream dialogue around Indigenous peoples as “stakeholders” in research. Practical implications The first step in moving forward in a way that embraces Indigenous principles is to deeply embed the respect of Indigenous peoples as rights holders across and within REBs. This shift in perspective changes our collective responsibilities in equitable ways, reflecting and respecting differing impetus and resources between the two parties: “equity” does imply “equality”. Several examples of practical changes to REB procedures and considerations are detailed. Social implications What the authors have discovered is that it is not just about academic or institutional REB decolonization: there are broad systematic issues at play. However, pursuing the collective responsibilities outlined in our paper should work towards empowering communities to build their own consensus around research with/in their people and their lands. Indigenous peoples are rights holders, and have governance over research, including the autonomy to make decisions about themselves, their future, and their past. Originality/value The value is in its guidance around how authentic partnerships can develop that promote equity with regard to community and researcher and community/researcher voice and power throughout the research lifecycle, including through research ethics reviews that respect Indigenous rights, world views and ways of knowing. It helps to show how both Indigenous and non-Indigenous institutions can collectively honour Indigenous rights holders through ethical research practice.
Introduction: Canada has the second highest per capita water consumption in the world. However, little is known about complex socio-economic and cultural dynamics of water insecurities in Indigenous communities and the multiple health consequences. Most studies have concentrated on a simplified interpretation of accessibility, availability and quality issues, including some common water-borne infections as the only health outcomes. Thus, several government initiatives on potable water supply, particularly for remotely located communities, have failed to sustain and promote a healthy lifestyle. The objective was to explore the water insecurity, coping strategies and associated health risks in a small and isolated sub-Arctic Indigenous (Inuit) community in Canada. Methods: The study was based on a community-based survey (2013) in one of the most remote Inuit communities of Labrador. In-depth, open-ended key informant (KI) interviews (community leader (1), woman (1), nurse (1), teacher (1), and elder (1)) and focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with community leaders (5), community members (25), women (5), and high school students (8). Convenience sampling was followed in selection of the subjects for FGDs and approached some KIs. All the water sources (five in April and seven in October) were visited and tested for their physical, chemical and microbiological parameters. The FGDs and KI interviews were audio recorded and transcribed. In the analysis, the data (qualitative and quantitative) were broadly categorized into (a) water sources, access and quality, (b) coping, (c) health risks and (d) challenges to run a public water system. Results: The community did not have any piped water supply. Their regular sources of water consisted of several unmonitored local streams, brooks, and ponds. The public water system was not affordable to the majority of community members who solely © A Sarkar, M Hanrahan, A Hudson, 2015. A licence to publish this material has been given to James Cook University, http://www.rrh.org.au 2 depended on government aid. Animal fecal contamination (in natural sources such as streams, brooks, and ponds) and the presence of disinfection by-products (in the public water system) were the major quality issues. Gastro-intestinal infections were the most common disease in the community. Per capita water consumption was less than one-third of the Canadian national average (274 L/day/person), severely compromising personal hygiene and water intake. High-sugar-content beverages were the most common alternative to lack of accessible and affordable potable water, particularly for children. Mental stress due to water insecurity and chronic back and shoulder injuries due to carrying heavy water buckets every day were the commonly encountered adverse health outcomes. Conclusions: Water insecurity has put the community at risk of multiple serious adverse health outcomes. The scenario is not unique in Canada. There are many remote Indigenous communities facing similar kinds of water insecurity.
Some of the world’s most southern Inuit populations live along central and the southeastern coast of Labrador in the territory of NunatuKavut and are represented by the NunatuKavut Community Council (NCC). Southern Inuit and NCC staff have been actively collaborating with researchers and research ethics boards since 2006 on research ethics and the governance of research in NunatuKavut. As self-determining peoples, Southern Inuit, like many Indigenous communities, are reclaiming control of research through a number of highly effective community consent contracts and ethical review processes and protocols. These community-driven research agreements have both shaped, and been shaped by, academic writings on the issue of collective consent to research. This case report describes the evolution of NCC research governance from 2006 to 2018, emphasising the ethics and engagement that is required to conduct research with Southern Inuit or within the territory of NunatuKavut.
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