In this article we assess and compare long-term adult socioeconomic status impacts from having experienced psychological and physical health problems in childhood. To do so, we use unique prospective data from the British National Child Development Study, a continuing panel study of a cohort of 17,634 children born in Great Britain during a single week in March 1958. To date there have been nine waves for this birth cohort to monitor their physical, educational, and social development, during childhood (at birth and 7, 11, and 16 y) and adulthood (age 23, 33, 42, 46, and 50 y). Excellent contemporaneous information exists throughout childhood on physical and psychological health, captured by doctor and nurse-led medical examinations and detailed parental and teacher questionnaires. This information is combined with a wealth of contemporaneous information on adult health and economic experiences collected from cohort members. Information includes their economic circumstances (earnings, labor supply, and other sources of family income), physical and psychological health, and relationship status. Large effects are found due to childhood psychological problems on the ability of affected children to work and earn as adults and on intergenerational and withingeneration social mobility. Adult family incomes are reduced by 28% by age 50 y, with sustained impacts on labor supply, marriage stability, and the conscientiousness and agreeableness components of the "Big Five" personality traits. Effects of psychological health disorders during childhood are far more important over a lifetime than physical health problems.U sing prospectively collected data beginning during the week of birth, repeated at three additional ages in childhood and adolescence, and extended into adulthood to age 50 y, this study investigates long-term adult impacts of having experienced psychological and physical health problems during childhood. Stimulated by the work of Barker (1), recent research has established evidence of a strong link between various aspects of poor physical health during childhood (and even in utero) and adult health (2-7) and economic outcomes later during adulthood (8, 9). Much less studied have been long-term health and socioeconomic (SES) consequences of psychological conditions experienced during childhood (10, 11). This is even more surprising given the substantial rise in psychological disorders affecting young people in the United Kingdom in the past 25 y (12, 13).Recently, Smith and Smith (14) used retrospective questions in the American Panel Study of Income Dynamics to find that impacts of childhood psychological problems on adult SES are large-a lifetime cost in lost family income of approximately $300,000 and total lifetime economic cost for all those affected of $2.1 trillion. An advantage of that study is that it compared siblings, so it was able to control for unobserved family and neighborhood effects, which were found not to be critical for this question. A disadvantage of that research is that it relied on...

This paper flatly contradicts the common view that anyone can make it in modern Britain.Indeed, rather then weakening, the link between an individual's earnings and those of his or her parents has strengthened. An important part of the explanation is that the expansion of higher education has benefited people from rich families much more than those from poor families.The extent of intergenerational mobility is frequently seen as a measure of the degree of equality of opportunity in society and considerable research has been devoted to obtaining an accurate estimate of it for a number of countries. However little is known about how these connections have altered through time. Sharp increases in educational attainment and rises in earnings (and living standards in general) in more recent generations mean that many observers seem to think that we now live in a more mobile, meritocratic society than in the past. Contrary to this, this research seems to show that where you come from matters more now than in the past. It appears that the extent of intergenerational mobility has actually fallen.The research uses unique data that follow two cohorts of children (one born in 1958, one born in 1970) through childhood and into adulthood. The latest data, collected in 2000, make it possible, for the first time, for researchers to get a good measure of the adult earnings of the second cohort. The key findings are:• The connection between earnings and parental income has strengthened for the more recent cohort. Estimates of the relationship between childhood family income and son's adult earnings show that for the 1958 cohort, a son from a family with twice as much income as a second family will earn about 12 percent more in his early thirties than a son from the second family. In the 1970 cohort, the same figure is 25 percent. Therefore, the degree of intergenerational transmission has risen by 13 percentage points. Results for daughters are very similar.• Part of the fall in mobility across generations is due to the fact that the expansion of the higher education system has benefited people from rich fa milies much more than those from poor families. This is particularly the case for daughters.The results show that differences in educational attainment across family background have led to a decline in equality of opportunity. This is despite the large expansion in postcompulsory schooling that occurred between the two cohorts. This may be unexpected to some observers, who see great gains in education and earnings from one generation to another and leave the story there.But these gains have been unequally distributed across society. The majority of beneficiaries have been children from families who were already doing well. If, as seems to have happened, able children from lower income families are excluded from the expansion of education, this will lower national productivity and income in the long run.The implication for government policy is clear. If equality of opportunity is a serious goal of government, it can be facilit...

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We use British birth cohort panel data to examine the impact that degree level qualifications and other higher education qualifications have on the earnings of individuals in the medium to longer term. We compare the outcomes of these individuals with those of individuals who had the prospect of undertaking Higher Education but chose not to. Our approach involves ‘matching’ these individuals according to observed characteristics which we have in the data such as ability, family background and demographics and then comparing outcomes between individuals who proved to HE and otherwise identical individuals who had the opportunity but did not.

STUDY QUESTIONAre parity and the timing of menarche associated with premature and early natural menopause?SUMMARY ANSWEREarly menarche (≤11 years) is a risk factor for both premature menopause (final menstrual period, FMP <40 years) and early menopause (FMP 40–44 years), a risk that is amplified for nulliparous women.WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADYWomen with either premature or early menopause face an increased risk of chronic conditions in later life and of early death. Findings from some studies suggest that early menarche and nulliparity are associated with early menopause, however overall the evidence is mixed. Much of the evidence for a direct relationship is hampered by a lack of comparability across studies, failure to adjust for confounding factors and inadequate statistical power.STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATIONThis pooled study comprises 51 450 postmenopausal women from nine observational studies in the UK, Scandinavia, Australia and Japan that contribute to the International collaboration for a Life course Approach to reproductive health and Chronic disease Events (InterLACE).PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODSAge at menarche (categorized as ≤11, 12, 13, 14 and 15 or more years) and parity (categorized as no children, one child and two or more children) were exposures of interest. Age at FMP was confirmed by at least 12 months of cessation of menses where this was not the result of an intervention (such as surgical menopause due to bilateral oophorectomy or hysterectomy) and categorized as premature menopause (FMP before age 40), early menopause (FMP 40–44 years), 45–49 years, 50–51 years, 52–53 years and 54 or more years. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression models to estimate relative risk ratio (RRR) and 95% CI for associations between menarche, parity and age at FMP adjusting for within-study correlation.MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCEThe median age at FMP was 50 years (interquartile range 48–53 years), with 2% of the women experiencing premature menopause and 7.6% early menopause. Women with early menarche (≤11 years, compared with 12–13 years) were at higher risk of premature menopause (RRR 1.80, 95% CI 1.53–2.12) and early menopause (1.31, 1.19–1.44). Nulliparity was associated with increased risk of premature menopause (2.26, 1.84–2.77) and early menopause (1.32, 1.09–1.59). Women having early menarche and nulliparity were at over 5-fold increased risk of premature menopause (5.64, 4.04–7.87) and 2-fold increased risk of early menopause (2.16, 1.48–3.15) compared with women who had menarche at ≥12 years and two or more children.LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTIONMost of the studies (except the birth cohorts) relied on retrospectively reported age at menarche, which may have led to some degree of recall bias.WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGSOur findings support early monitoring of women with early menarche, especially those who have no children, for preventive health interventions aimed at mitigating the risk of adverse health outcomes associated with early menopause.STUDY FUNDI...