Oxytocin is a nonapeptide that also serves as a neuromodulator in the human central nervous system. Over the last decade, a sizeable body of literature has examined its effects on social behavior in humans. These studies show that oxytocin modulates various aspects of social behaviors such as empathy, trust, in-group preference, and memory of socially relevant cues. Several theoretical formulations have attempted to explain the effects of oxytocin. The prosocial account argues that oxytocin mainly enhances affiliative prosocial behaviors; the fear/stress theory suggests that oxytocin affects social performance by attenuating stress; and the in-/out-group approach proposes that oxytocin regulates cooperation and conflict among humans in the context of intergroup relations. Nonetheless, accumulating evidence reveals that the effects of oxytocin are dependent on a variety of contextual aspects and the individual's characteristics and can induce antisocial effects including aggression and envy. In an attempt to reconcile these accounts, we suggest a theoretical framework that focuses on the overarching role of oxytocin in regulating the salience of social cues through its interaction with the dopaminergic system. Crucially, the salience effect modulates attention orienting responses to external contextual social cues (e.g., competitive vs. cooperative environment) but is dependent on baseline individual differences such as gender, personality traits, and degree of psychopathology. This view could have important implications for the therapeutic applications of oxytocin in conditions characterized with aberrant social behavior.

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Although now believed to be two distinct disorders, autism spectrum disorders (ASD) and schizophrenia spectrum disorders (SSD) share multiple phenotypic similarities and risk factors, and have been reported to co-occur at elevated rates. In this narrative review, we give a brief overview of the phenomenological, genetic, environmental, and imaging evidence for the overlap between ASD and SSD, highlighting similarities and areas of distinction. We examine eight possible alternate models of explanation for the association and comorbidity between the disorders, and set out a research agenda to test these models. Understanding how and why these disorders co-occur has important implications for diagnosis, treatment, and prognosis, as well as for developing fundamental aetiological models of the disorders.

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Many of us “see red,” “feel blue,” or “turn green with envy.” Are such color-emotion associations fundamental to our shared cognitive architecture, or are they cultural creations learned through our languages and traditions? To answer these questions, we tested emotional associations of colors in 4,598 participants from 30 nations speaking 22 native languages. Participants associated 20 emotion concepts with 12 color terms. Pattern-similarity analyses revealed universal color-emotion associations (average similarity coefficient r = .88). However, local differences were also apparent. A machine-learning algorithm revealed that nation predicted color-emotion associations above and beyond those observed universally. Similarity was greater when nations were linguistically or geographically close. This study highlights robust universal color-emotion associations, further modulated by linguistic and geographic factors. These results pose further theoretical and empirical questions about the affective properties of color and may inform practice in applied domains, such as well-being and design.